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Populism and Prejudice: Insights from Global Islamophobia and the Rise of Populism

Published on 28 Oct 2024

It’s been 22 years since former President George W. Bush launched the “War on Terror” in response to the September 11th attacks. In the decades that followed, this borderless, indefinite conflict has claimed millions of lives, displaced tens of millions, and cost trillions of dollars. It also fueled the rise and normalization of Islamophobia, which The Bridge Initiative defines as an intense fear and hostility toward Islam and Muslims, often manifesting in hate speech, hate crimes, and social and political discrimination. In the past two decades, Islamophobia has become ingrained in the institutions and structures of societies worldwide. This normalization has also played a role in the growth of right-wing populism, which surged around 2015, marked by Donald Trump’s presidential campaign and his subsequent election, amplifying an anti-Muslim agenda from the highest office of the global superpower.

In the newly released book Global Islamophobia and the Rise of Populism (edited by Professor Sahar F. Aziz and Professor John L. Esposito), a group of scholars and international experts examine the rise of Islamophobia and populism across various countries, from India to Europe. Each chapter explores how anti-Muslim stereotypes and narratives have been strategically employed by politicians and governments to win electoral support, creating a harmful, discriminatory, dangerous, and sometimes deadly environment for Muslims. 

Populism has taken various forms in different countries. In India, Hindutva or Hindu nationalism, is the ruling ideology of Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led government. Hindutva is a political ideology that advocates for the supremacy of Hindus in India. With the stamp of approval from Modi and his government, Hindu nationalists have become emboldened and carried out campaigns of terror targeting Indian Muslims. This has included public lynchings, pogroms, harassment, and social and economic discrimination. In tandem with Hindu nationalist mobs on the ground, the government and far-right politicians and religious leaders like Yogi Adityanath and Yati Narsinghanand Saraswati have pushed for discriminatory policies aimed at curbing the rights and freedoms of Indian Muslims. 

In China, Islamophobia has resulted in the imprisonment of millions of Uyghur Muslims into labor and “re-education camps”, a network of concentration camps marred with reports of torture and abuse. Authorities have even called Islam a “mental illness” and described the camps as “hospitals” intended to cure individuals of this “disease.” Observers and critics have noted the repressive measures aim is to erase the Uyghur culture and identity, and forcibly assimilate millions into the dominant Han ethnic group. 

The book also contains several chapters on Europe, a continent which has lurched further right each year. From Austria to the United Kingdom, Islamophobia on the continent is perpetrated by ruling parties. In September 2024, the far-right Freedom Party of Austria (FPO), which was founded by the Nazis, won the country’s parliamentary elections. In the same month, Germany also witnessed the success of a far-right anti-Muslim party as the Alternative for Germany (AfD) won a state election, the first time a far-right party has done so in the country since WWII.

I wrote the chapter on the UK, in which I argued that the country’s exit from the European Union was a clear example of how a right-wing populist campaign was able to go mainstream due to its instrumentalization of Islamophobia. The Brexit campaign as it became known “employed populist tactics by playing on perceived grievances amongst the white working class.” Led by British right-wing politician, Nigel Farage, the campaign employed anti-Muslim tropes and xenophobic imagery, claiming that Muslim immigrants and refugees were a threat to the British way of life. These arguments were able to take root because of anti-Muslim racism was already present and popular in society. 

From Austria to the UK, Islamophobia on the continent is perpetuated by ruling parties. In September 2024, the far-right Freedom Party of Austria (FPO), which was founded by the Nazis, won the country’s parliamentary elections. In the same month, Germany also witnessed the success of a far-right anti-Muslim party as the Alternative for Germany (AfD) won a state election, the first time a far-right party has done so in the country since WWII.

In Europe, right-wing populist leaders and voices have instrumentalized anti-Muslim racism to polarize societies for electoral gains. The continent experienced volatile debate around immigration and refugees, especially during the 2015 Syrian refugee crisis. Those in opposition to immigration have employed anti-Muslim tropes, claiming that Muslim refugees and immigrants are unable to “assimilate” because their culture is at odds with “European values.” Due to the presence of anti-Muslim racism in European society along with growing income inequality, ethnonationalist populism has been able to gain a foothold and spread.

When it comes to the US, the 2016 election of Donald Trump signified the growth and power of right-wing populism in the country. As Asma T. Uddin points out in her chapter, “Trump’s continuous demonization of Muslims and challenges to Muslims’ rights points took advantage of a feeling among many conservative Christian Americans that Christianity is “under siege” in the U.S. and that Muslims, as championed by the political Left, are key to that siege.” However, Trump’s election wasn’t the cause of Islamophobia, it was merely the consequence of several developments in American society. As Sahar Selod outlines in her chapter, the portrayal of Muslims “in the Tea Party Movement, the Ground Zero Mosque protests, the birther conspiracy theory, and in the mobilization around anti-sharia bills” reveals “how groups have coalesced around perpetuating Islamophobia, contributing to a growing anti-immigrant and anti-Muslim populism across the country.” Several online fringe voices who promoted anti-Muslim views in the first decade of the 21st century became more popular as these events (Tea Party Movement, Ground Zero Mosque protests, etc.) took place. Eventually, a number of these individuals found themselves either in the Trump administration or connected to Trump administration appointees, demonstrating the mainstreaming of Islamophobia in the United States.

A central theme of the book is the way Islamophobia has become a platform for far-right voices to gain mainstream acceptance. As anti-Muslim racism has increasingly been normalized, even celebrated in some cases worldwide, extremist ideologies advocating the supremacy of certain groups have shifted from the fringes into the mainstream. They have found acceptance within major media outlets and respected institutions, highlighting how deeply entrenched Islamophobia has become. The book explores the alarming prevalence of Islamophobia today, particularly how those in power exploit public discontent with divisive “us vs. them” rhetoric, leading to escalating attacks on the civil rights and freedoms of Muslims globally.

The book can be purchased here.